I would like, first of all, to welcome and thank the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation and a good friend of mine, Mr. Sergei Lavrov for his presence here. Sergei welcome to Greece.
His presence honours us. It is a tribute to a historic predecessor of his, head of the Russian diplomacy and first Governor of Greece, Ioannis Kapodistrias and a reaffirmation of the diachronic friendship between our two nations.
I would also like to congratulate the chairman of the “The Centre of Russian National Glory” Mr. Vladimir Yakunin for his initiative of organizing the conference and the organisation team which is headed by the Ambassador Georgi Muratov, a good, old friend of ours and a permanent advocate of Greek-Russian friendship.
This conference is not only about paying tribute to historical facts. It is literally relevant to the current geopolitical situation. And I wish at this point to uphold the approach Mr. Sergei Lavrov made before.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The first Greek independent State was not else than the Septinsular Republic, founded in 1800 with the political and military support of Russia.
When, in 1807 the independence of the Ionian Islands was abolished and the island was occupied and annexed by France, the Corfu-born, Greek patriot Ioannis Kapodistrias felt that his only patriotic choice was to offer his services to the Russian Tsar.
The contribution of Ioannis Kapodistrias is well known. As the former president of the Hellenic Republic, Konstantinos Tsatsos said in 1976, “Venizelos was responsible for the creation of enlarged Greece, but Greece itself was created by Kapodistrias.”
His decisive role, as Russia’s representative in the Congress of Vienna in 1814-15 is also known. Together with Metternich they were the protagonists of the conference, overshadowing well known personalities like Castlereagh and Talleyrand.
There is, however, an aspect of Kapodistrias’ approach of European Stability and Security that has not become widely known. It is a geopolitical approach of his own, without overstatement, which makes his ideas relevant to our age through his quite sharp controversy with Metternich.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In 1814-15 a doctrine of balance of power was formed.
The doctrine adopted by the Congress of Vienna and the Holy Alliance of the Great Powers which was created to defend it, had to deal with severe difficulties. They were, on the one hand, to ensure a balance among the Great Powers and, on the other hand, to prove that the monarchic autocracy would ensure stability.
At this point, Kapodistrias, an advocate of the Enlightenment’s principles which triumphed after the French Revolution, had a totally different opinion.
A system for Europe’s security would be more stable if it could include and manage the possibility of democratization, social justice and national emancipation. History, finally, vindicated his position.
The system of balance among the Great Powers which was formed in the Congress of Vienna in 1815 found itself weak in view of the developments in Greece, Italy and elsewhere, while if Kapodistrias’ approach had been adopted, it would deter these conflicts and lead to more peaceful developments.
But, as I mentioned in the beginning, today’s Conference on Kapodistrias is not a tribute to him, but absolutely relevant to today’s situation.
Today, almost 25 years after the end of the Cold War, Europe is still in search for a comprehensive security system, while stereotypes and suspicions of the past still exist and have a negative impact on the present.
At the same time, financial crises fuel social instability and lead to nationalism, which, in its turn, revives destabilizing tensions for the security of our common European edifice.
Today Europe needs a comprehensive approach of security which can ensure that stability is a common value and that if it prevails it will not produce victorious and defeated nations. And this is the great lesson-contribution of the Russian Diplomacy with Kapodistrias to the Congress of Vienna.
At the same time, a system of geopolitical stability should not require social immobility and authoritarianism, which Kapodistrias’ main opponent, Metternich, imposed back then.
A master of Realpolitik, a worthy advisor of the Russian Emperor, and a European statesman, in the contemporary meaning of the term, Kapodistrias contributed heavily to the drafting of the Swiss Constitution, proving in this way, that diplomatic realism and faith in the democratic values are not incompatible concepts, but complementary.
It is worth mentioning that during his two-year stay in Geneva, Kapodistrias continued to bear the title of Russia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, an unprecedented evidence, for the European political affairs, of Tsar’s respect and confidence.
It was his vision of stability in Europe and constant progress towards establishing freedom and social justice that Kapodistrias sought to implement in Greece after 1827, when he decisively contributed to its independence and became the first Governor of the independent Greek state.
For his commitment to this vision, he sacrificed his life, for as we all know, he was murdered by his political adversaries.
As a great victor of the war conflicts in Europe, which ended in 1814, Russia demonstrated moderation, realism and insight in the diplomatic talks. This is a contribution attributed personally to Ioannis Kapodistrias. A contribution of which, Greece, his birthplace, and Russia a country which he served faithfully and effectively must be proud.
Let’s remember once more the doctrine of Flexible Stability, open to developments and new adjustments, without victorious and defeated nations, the doctrine that Kapodistrias formed as a geopolitical approach in the Congress of Vienna. Therefore, by paying tribute to his legacy we are not performing a ceremonial duty, nor are we officially speaking of the ties between Greece and Russia, but we are reaffirming a contemporary European quest and this should be, perhaps, one of the messages that our today’s meeting should send.
Thank you for your attention.