Με την έκθεσή της η Επιτροπή προέβη για πρώτη φορά σε συνολική και τεκμηριωμένη χαρτογράφηση όλων των διαφορετικών προγραμμάτων που υπάρχουν στην Ευρώπη και απευθύνονται σε επενδυτές, για σκοπούς απόκτησης τόσο ιθαγένειας όσο και αδειών διαμονής.
«Η ανάρτηση των άρθρων με ιδιαίτερο ενδιαφέρον δεν σημαίνει και απόλυτη ταύτιση με το περιεχόμενο των ιδεών του αρθρογράφου. Τα άρθρα αξιολογούνται ως ενδιαφέροντα για προβληματισμό.»
Some acknowledge the virtues of patriotism, understood as the benign affection for one’s homeland; at the same time, they see nationalism as narrow-minded and immoral, promoting blind loyalty to a country over deeper commitments to justice and humanity.
Κάθε εποχή προσφέρει παραδείγματα της σχέσης ανάμεσα στην Αρχιτεκτονική και την Πολιτική. Ο Νεοκλασικισμός συνέβαλε στην επιβολή των αξιών του Διαφωτισμού. Στη χώρα μας συνετέλεσε στη ρήξη με το οθωμανικό παρελθόν. Η αρχιτεκτονική του Albert Speer εξέφρασε την ναζιστική ιδεολογία.
The nation-state is so dominant today that it seems natural. But no political arrangements are natural, and any concept with a hyphen has a fault line running through it by definition. States are sovereign political structures. Nations are unified social groups. What does each owe the other?
In the decade following the Cold War, Africa saw many democratic success stories. In 1991, Benin and Zambia became the first former dictatorships to hold multiparty elections after the fall of the Soviet Union. In both countries, the opposition beat the incumbents. In 1994, South Africa replaced apartheid with majority rule, and soon after that, Nelson Mandela was elected president.
The compromises weren’t enough to end the protests. This weekend, for the ninth consecutive Saturday, the protest movement took center stage, mobilizing over 80,000 demonstrators across the country. The principal stages were Paris and Bourges, the latter chosen for its symbolic significance as roughly the geographical center of France.
With harsh words for Brussels and displays of affection for illiberal leaders like Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. President Donald Trump, they are perceived as being entirely focused on clawing back power for national governments at the expense of European integration.
In June 2005, I published a cover story in the Atlantic, “How We Would Fight China.” I wrote that, “The American military contest with China … will define the twenty-first century. And China will be a more formidable adversary than Russia ever was.”
A coordinated online campaign by far-right activists pressured mainstream European parties to drop support for a U.N. migration pact that was years in the making, analysis of social media activity shows.
The European model of foreign policy is rooted in the ideal of multilateralism and peaceful cooperation, embodied in the EU’s aspiration of an “ever closer union.” Despite setbacks, the European project, which brought 70 years of unprecedented peace to a war-torn continent, has been a success.
But the events of the second half of the twentieth century can also be interpreted in a very different way. Citizens across the world were attracted to liberal democracy not simply because of its norms and values but also because it offered the most salient model of economic and geopolitical success.
In living memory, we have gone from surviving two World Wars to a European Union that has been delivering peace, security and prosperity for its citizens for more than 60 years already. Today, some take all these accomplishments for granted or even question the very existence of the European Union.