The recent meeting in Istanbul between the Turkish president, the Italian prime minister, and the head of the government of western Libya highlighted migration as a top issue for the Mediterranean. While the three parties seek to build partnerships with a strategic outlook, Greece was once again absent—confirming the risk of remaining a spectator to decisions that directly concern it.
Greece’s exclusion is not accidental. It has its roots in two main causes.
The first is an insistence on a view of Turkey’s role that is dominated by a sense of threat and fear. It is true that Turkish policy poses a constant security concern for Greece, but not a threat that justifies cultivating fear. Our fixation on seeing Turkey exclusively as a threat has already burdened not only the country’s international standing but also the morale of Greek citizens.
The fear that pervades our political system has deprived Athens of the ability to pursue more sophisticated approaches that could open avenues for cooperation in areas of shared interest—such as European strategic security and the management of migration flows—areas of convergence rather than confrontation. Trapped in its bilateral disputes, Greece limits itself and allows others to shape developments.
The second cause lies in the choice made since 2019 to back an illegitimate and controversial warlord in eastern Libya, Haftar. This choice inexplicably placed our country at odds with Europe’s policy line—on the wrong side from the outset—resulting in exclusion from all major international fora on Libya, from Berlin to the present.
Italy, with Giorgia Meloni at the helm, gives absolute priority to its national interests, seeking partnerships that deliver tangible results. Turkey, leveraging its military and geopolitical weight, is emerging as an interlocutor for Europe and the Arab world. Greece, by contrast, remains trapped in fear reflexes and piecemeal moves, watching from the sidelines.
After all, it was not long ago—in 2021—when then-Italian prime minister Mario Draghi called Erdoğan a “dictator,” triggering a diplomatic crisis. That was the moment of Italy–Turkey rivalry over Libya. Today, as Italian analyst Marco Ansaldo notes, European countries that for years had turned their backs on Ankara are cooperating with it.
Turkey, NATO’s second-largest military power after the United States, has bolstered its standing through the production of unmanned aerial vehicles, while also emerging as a significant player in arms exports.
This shift is not only about the defense industry; it reflects a broader European recognition that without Turkey there can be no effective strategy for the Mediterranean—whether on security, migration, or energy.
While Ankara capitalizes on this new reality, Greece remains a bystander, absent from the critical processes shaping the region’s future. Our country cannot continue along a path of political inertia and fixations that lead to isolation. Instead of being trapped in fear, it must chart a new strategy based on realism, openness, and participation in initiatives that determine the balance in the Mediterranean. Otherwise, we will remain mere onlookers while our neighbors and partners redraw the region’s map.