Greek shipping today faces two serious, simultaneous threats: on the one hand, targeted Houthi attacks in the Red Sea; on the other, the appearance of sea mines in the Mediterranean that are damaging Greek vessels because of the ongoing Ukraine–Russia confrontation.
The Houthis, now equipped with advanced weapons systems, have launched at least 70 attacks since late 2023. Four ships have sunk and seven seafarers have lost their lives. The situation is no longer regional; it is evolving into an international maritime-security crisis, expanding continuously and growing more intense. These attacks are not random. They are targeted, strategically designed operations aimed at disrupting global trade flows and bolstering the political influence of those who orchestrate them.
In the face of the mounting risk, many Greek shipowners have already chosen to exclude the Red Sea from their routes.
However, the absence of a coordinated European or NATO response leaves the field open to unilateral and asymmetric actions. The strategic vacuum creates an environment of uncertainty, which works to the detriment of shipping, of crews, and of international stability.
At the same time, in the Mediterranean, six Greek tankers have been damaged by mines fitted with timers—reportedly of Ukrainian origin—because they were carrying (legal) Russian cargo.
These attacks target not a vessel’s flag, but the contents of its cargo. The logic is cynical: whoever serves the adversary becomes a target.
A potential explosion on a tanker crossing the Aegean with millions of barrels of oil could trigger cascading environmental and geoeconomic consequences, harming not only Greece but the entire Eastern Mediterranean.
The issue is not merely technical or operational; it is profoundly political and institutional. The international response must be universal and rooted in principles. Every attack on merchant shipping must be condemned uniformly, regardless of the perpetrator’s identity. There can be no double standards in protecting seafarers and navigation. Human life must not be weighed on a geopolitical scale.
The international community—and especially the institutions of which Greece is a member—must strengthen their presence and operational capabilities.
NATO is called upon to assume a more substantive role in the Red Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean, with deterrence, escort, and surveillance missions.
At the same time, the European Union must cease limiting itself to rhetorical appeals and proceed with concrete measures to protect shipping, the supply chain, and the European interest.
At the national level, Greece must reinforce its naval presence at critical sea passages. The Hellenic Navy must acquire the capability for continuous surveillance and deterrence, with a clear footprint in high-risk areas.
In parallel, the Union of Greek Shipowners can—and should—upgrade its role by establishing a permanent strategic maritime-security staff unit: a specialized team for continuous monitoring, analysis, and briefing on emerging risks.
These times demand not only institutional representation, but strategic readiness, proactive response, and a united front of well-substantiated positions.
Greek shipping is not merely an economic powerhouse; it is geopolitical capital and a lever of foreign policy.
The current crisis is both a challenge and an opportunity: to redefine our geostrategic identity—not simply as carriers, but as guarantors of stability and security.
The present situation does not permit complacency. On the contrary, it requires full activation at three critical levels:
First, at the national level, Greece cannot remain a spectator. Our maritime superiority is not merely an economic privilege; it is a geostrategic responsibility. Our country must assume a leading role in shaping a new framework for maritime security, with substantive military presence, institutional initiative, and diplomatic clout. The role of guarantor of stability and freedom of navigation is ours, and it is non-transferable.
Second, at the international level, the picture is discouraging. The absence of a coordinated response from the European Union and NATO creates a vacuum filled by chaos. If our alliances cannot protect basic goods such as the security of sea lanes, their credibility is gradually eroded. Greece must demand deeds, not declarations—because the silence of allies amounts, in practice, to complicit inaction.
Third, at the global level, the crisis reveals a new geoeconomic reality: merchant ships are no longer neutral means of transport but potential targets. The targeted undermining of the supply chain is turning the seas into zones of political pressure. Greece, with the world’s largest merchant fleet, cannot be confined to the role of spectator or victim. It must act as a force for mediation, foresight, and protection—not only for its own interests, but for global stability.
The sea does not forgive complacency.
And history—however strictly it judges actions—is unforgiving of omissions.
The responsibility lies before us. The question is whether we will assume it with courage and a plan, or watch passively until it is too late.